Peter Beyer sitzt seit 2009 als Mitglied des Auswärtigen Ausschuss für die CDU im Deutschen Bundestag. Als Atlantiker setzt sich Beyer in seiner Eigenschaft als Abgeordneter und Berichterstatter seiner Fraktion für die transatlantischen Beziehungen zwischen Deutschland und den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika ein. Bevor seiner Laufbahn als Politiker arbeitete Beyer als Anwalt. 2001 promovierte er mit einem Master of Laws (LL.M.) an der University of Virginia.
Europe, Germany, and the United States share some of the most dynamic and mutually-
beneficial economic exchange, trade, and investment spheres in the world.
EU-US trade in merchandise alone has doubled since 2000, for instance, accounting
for around $787 billion in 2013. Foreign direct investment by the United States
in Europe was $200 billion. The overall transatlantic market produces an astonishingly
large $5 trillion in commercial sales per year, contributing to nearly 15 million
jobs in our economies. Historically, increasing trade and investment, opening
markets, as well as reducing barriers to trade has helped constitute the backbones
of the multilateral trading system. Such efforts have made it possible for our firms
to sell their goods and services abroad, for them to create jobs at home, and for our
citizens to benefit from lower prices, competition, and to have more choice in the
marketplace. Indeed, Germany has benefited greatly from this arrangement: It has
become the number three exporter of goods and services worldwide. Now more
than ever, our country relies on trade and open economic exchange on a scale that
is matched by few others.
Despite these clear benefits and our already-deep partnership on both sides of the
Atlantic Ocean, the intensity and depth of this exchange has been slowly diminishing
relative to other regions of the world. Asia, Africa, and Latin America are on
the rise. Here in Europe and in the United States, the financial crisis and recession
of the past few years have taken their toll on our economies by leading to slower
growth and higher unemployment. If we are to continue our economic and political
leadership, we must act to enhance our transatlantic relationship while strengthening
our economies and cooperation. This is the backdrop for a new initiative for the
Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), which would reinvigorate
exchange on both sides of the Atlantic.
TTIP is a comprehensive effort by the European Union and United States to reduce
or eliminate remaining tariff barriers to trade. Yet TTIP goes beyond this to reduce
non-tariff barriers such as duplicative standards that can keep firms out of the market
while costing consumers more. Moreover, TTIP would seek to open markets for
greater European participation in public procurement, as well as further liberalize
the all-important services market. It is worth underlining why TTIP is wise for the
German and European economies, for our citizens, and for our companies both
large and small.
First, and most importantly, TTIP would create more jobs. Trade has historically
been critical to the growth and success of Germany’s export-driven economy, bolstering
our small- and medium-sized enterprises (the Mittelstand) in particular. According to the Center for Transatlantic Relations at Johns Hopkins University, EU
and US exports could be increased by 17 percent on both sides of the Atlantic
when tariffs are brought to zero. Elimination or reduction of traditional tariff barriers
(such as the 42 percent assessed on European textiles and the more than 200
percent for some agricultural products) would contribute to this. Yet the benefits
would also come from part of the “plus” in TTIP: reducing non-tariff barriers to
trade. The most straight-forward way to understand how non-tariff barriers limit economic
exchange can be seen most clearly in a concrete example: automobile standards.
Today we know that both European and American automakers manufacture vehicles
that are safe. Yet to arrive at this identical outcome, the vehicles are subjected
to multiple regulatory regimes. These differing processes, however, constitute
non-tariff barriers to trade that can serve as barriers for market entry. Indeed, it
is estimated that European automakers have to factor in an additional $3000 to an
imported European automobile when it is sold in the United States. It thus makes
good sense to come together under TTIP to minimize this unnecessary duplication,
which would be especially a boon to our SMEs. Smaller firms can ill-afford to
spend heavily to jump through two sets of regulatory hoops in both Europe and the
United States—an outcome that leads to fewer exports and to fewer jobs.
Concerning regulation and standards, TTIP would not lead to a watering-down of
high standards in such areas as consumer protection, the environment, or in food
safety. TTIP would not change these standards; instead, if American firms were to
meet our own standards, they could sell goods and services in our market (and vice
versa). Provisions to add mutual recognition and harmonization of standards in
certain areas would have to be agreed to at the outset. Both European and American
negotiators have publically committed to ensuring that TTIP is a high standards
accord, one that would support superior standards and protections across the
two trading blocs.
Finally, TTIP encompasses important political and transatlantic aspects. Since the
end of the second world war, a transatlantic partnership between Europe and the
United States has worked exceedingly well to promote a world where rule of law,
open societies, and open economies can be promoted. Our transatlantic community
is now faced with a choice as to whether we want to add new momentum to this.
Through a deepening of our trade relationship and cooperation in TTIP, we have
the chance to further our values by helping to ensure that our safety, environmental,
and regulatory standards—the best in the world—will not be overcome by lower
ones that may offer less protection for our citizens and for our environment. In TTIP, we have a unique window of opportunity to help set the economic groundwork
in the form of high standards and open exchange for years to come—while at
the same time creating jobs and growing our economies on both sides of our ocean
shores.
Peter Beyer, is a member of the German Bundestag for the Christian Democratic Union. He sits on the Committee of Foreign Affairs and works as the rapporteur on transatlantic issues for his party. Before his career in politics he worked as a lawyer. He graduated with a Masters of Law (LL.M.) from the University of Virginia in 2001.
Europe, Germany, and the United States share some of the most dynamic and mutually-beneficial economic exchange, trade, and investment spheres in the world. EU-US trade in merchandise alone has doubled since 2000, for instance, accounting
for around $787 billion in 2013. Foreign direct investment by the United States
in Europe was $200 billion. The overall transatlantic market produces an astonishingly
large $5 trillion in commercial sales per year, contributing to nearly 15 million
jobs in our economies. Historically, increasing trade and investment, opening
markets, as well as reducing barriers to trade has helped constitute the backbones
of the multilateral trading system. Such efforts have made it possible for our firms
to sell their goods and services abroad, for them to create jobs at home, and for our
citizens to benefit from lower prices, competition, and to have more choice in the
marketplace. Indeed, Germany has benefited greatly from this arrangement: It has
become the number three exporter of goods and services worldwide. Now more
than ever, our country relies on trade and open economic exchange on a scale that
is matched by few others.
Despite these clear benefits and our already-deep partnership on both sides of the
Atlantic Ocean, the intensity and depth of this exchange has been slowly diminishing
relative to other regions of the world. Asia, Africa, and Latin America are on
the rise. Here in Europe and in the United States, the financial crisis and recession
of the past few years have taken their toll on our economies by leading to slower
growth and higher unemployment. If we are to continue our economic and political
leadership, we must act to enhance our transatlantic relationship while strengthening
our economies and cooperation. This is the backdrop for a new initiative for the
Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), which would reinvigorate
exchange on both sides of the Atlantic.
TTIP is a comprehensive effort by the European Union and United States to reduce
or eliminate remaining tariff barriers to trade. Yet TTIP goes beyond this to reduce
non-tariff barriers such as duplicative standards that can keep firms out of the market
while costing consumers more. Moreover, TTIP would seek to open markets for
greater European participation in public procurement, as well as further liberalize
the all-important services market. It is worth underlining why TTIP is wise for the
German and European economies, for our citizens, and for our companies both
large and small.
First, and most importantly, TTIP would create more jobs. Trade has historically
been critical to the growth and success of Germany’s export-driven economy, bolstering
our small- and medium-sized enterprises (the Mittelstand) in particular. According cording to the Center for Transatlantic Relations at Johns Hopkins University, EU
and US exports could be increased by 17 percent on both sides of the Atlantic
when tariffs are brought to zero. Elimination or reduction of traditional tariff barriers
(such as the 42 percent assessed on European textiles and the more than 200
percent for some agricultural products) would contribute to this. Yet the benefits
would also come from part of the “plus” in TTIP: reducing non-tariff barriers to
trade. The most straight-forward way to understand how non-tariff barriers limit economic
exchange can be seen most clearly in a concrete example: automobile standards.
Today we know that both European and American automakers manufacture vehicles
that are safe. Yet to arrive at this identical outcome, the vehicles are subjected
to multiple regulatory regimes. These differing processes, however, constitute
non-tariff barriers to trade that can serve as barriers for market entry. Indeed, it
is estimated that European automakers have to factor in an additional $3000 to an
imported European automobile when it is sold in the United States. It thus makes
good sense to come together under TTIP to minimize this unnecessary duplication,
which would be especially a boon to our SMEs. Smaller firms can ill-afford to
spend heavily to jump through two sets of regulatory hoops in both Europe and the
United States—an outcome that leads to fewer exports and to fewer jobs.
Concerning regulation and standards, TTIP would not lead to a watering-down of
high standards in such areas as consumer protection, the environment, or in food
safety. TTIP would not change these standards; instead, if American firms were to
meet our own standards, they could sell goods and services in our market (and vice
versa). Provisions to add mutual recognition and harmonization of standards in
certain areas would have to be agreed to at the outset. Both European and American
negotiators have publically committed to ensuring that TTIP is a high standards
accord, one that would support superior standards and protections across the
two trading blocs.
Finally, TTIP encompasses important political and transatlantic aspects. Since the
end of the second world war, a transatlantic partnership between Europe and the
United States has worked exceedingly well to promote a world where rule of law,
open societies, and open economies can be promoted. Our transatlantic community
is now faced with a choice as to whether we want to add new momentum to this.
Through a deepening of our trade relationship and cooperation in TTIP, we have
the chance to further our values by helping to ensure that our safety, environmental,
and regulatory standards—the best in the world—will not be overcome by lower
ones that may offer less protection for our citizens and for our environment. In TTIP, we have a unique window of opportunity to help set the economic groundwork
in the form of high standards and open exchange for years to come—while at
the same time creating jobs and growing our economies on both sides of our ocean
shores.